I, Richard Henry Lee, was born in Virginia on the 20th day of January in the year 1732.

I was a member of the Continental Congress in Philadelphia in the summer of 1776.

On June 7, 1776, i proposed the following resolution:

Resolved: that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be totally dissolved.

We members of the Continental Congress passed this resolution on July 2, 1776, the birthdate of American Independence.

We then discussed and edited the Declaration of Independence, written by Thomas Jefferson and his committee.  The most substantial change was the regrettable removal of a condemnation of the slave trade.  The Declaration of Independence was adopted on July 4, 1776.

When the Constitutional Convention was held in 1787, i refused to attend.  So did some other famous American patriots -- Patrick Henry refused, saying: "I smell a rat."  We feared a coup d'état -- that a faction of men would create a strong central government, while ignoring and overriding our existing government.  Sadly this is just what happened.

Our Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, which I helped to write and enact, had been adopted slowly and carefully.  It was proposed by Congress in 1777.  On March 1, 1781, Maryland became the 13th State to ratify the articles.  The Articles severely limit the powers of the federal government, and they do not grant any power to tax.  Article II explicitly declares that "Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence..."  Article XIII states that any alterations to the Articles must be confirmed by the legislatures of every state.

This was highly inconvenient to that faction of men who wrote the Constitution, so they simply ignored it, and specified that the Constitution would become effective when ratified by nine of the thirteen states.

The proposed Constitution creates a truly national government (as opposed to a truly "federal" one).  It generously grants powers to the "federal" government.  In fact, the word "power" appears 43 times in the Constitution.

The word "liberty" appears only once -- in the preamble.  And that preamble was added on at the very end of the Constitutional Convention, in order to ascribe nice motives to the sordid deed.

Here is a letter which I wrote shortly after the Constitution had been proposed.

To [George Mason]
New York, October 1st, 1787      [Highlights in Bold are not in the original]

Dear Sir,
I have waited until now to answer your favor of September 10th from Philadelphia, that I might inform you how the Convention plan of government was entertained by Congress. Your prediction of what would happen in Congress was exactly verified. It was with us, as with you, this or nothing; and this urged with a most extreme intemperance. The greatness of the powers given, and the multitude of places to be created produce a coalition of monarchy men, military men, aristocrats and drones, whose noise, impudence and zeal exceeds all belief. Whilst the commercial plunder of the South stimulates the rapacious trader. In this state of things the patriot voice is raised in vain for such changes and securities as reason and experience prove to be necessary against the encroachments of power upon the indispensable rights of human nature. Upon due consideration of the Constitution under which we now act, some of us were clearly of opinion that the Thirteenth Article of the Confederation precluded us from giving an opinion concerning a plan subversive of the present system, and eventually forming a new Confederacy of nine instead of thirteen States. The contrary doctrine was asserted with great violence in expectation of the strong majority with which they might send it forward under terms of much approbation. Having procured an opinion that Congress was qualified to consider, to amend, to approve or disapprove, the next game was to determine that though a right to amend existed, it would be highly inexpedient to exercise that right, but merely to transmit it with respectful marks of approbation. In this state of things I availed myself to the right to amend, and moved the amendments, a copy of which I send herewith, and called the ayes and nays to fix them on the journal. This greatly alarmed the majority and vexed them extremely; for the plan is to push the business on with great dispatch, and with as little opposition as possible, that it may be adopted before it has stood the test of reflection and due examination. They found it most eligible at last to transmit it merely, without approving or disapproving, provided nothing but the transmission should appear on the journal. This compromise was settled and they took the opportunity of inserting the word unanimously, which applies only to simple transmission, hoping to have it mistaken for an unanimous approbation of the thing. It states that Congress having received the Constitution unanimously transmit it, &c. It is certain that no approbation was given. This Constitution has a great many excellent regulations in it, and if it could be reasonably amended would be a fine system. As it is, I think ‘tis past doubt, that if it should be established, either a tyranny will result from it, or it will be prevented by a civil war. I am clearly of opinion with you that it should be sent back with amendments reasonable, and assent to it withheld until such amendments are admitted. … It is certainly the most rash and violent proceeding in the world to cram thus suddenly into men a business of such infinite moment to the happiness of millions. …

I am, dear sir, affectionately yours.

Suppose when the Assembly recommended a Convention to consider this new Constitution they were to use some words like these : It is earnestly recommended to the good people of Virginia to send their most wise and honest men to this Convention that it may undergo the most intense consideration before a plan shall be without amendments adopted that admits of abuses being practised by which the best interests of this country may be injured, and civil liberty greatly endangered. This might perhaps give a decided tone to the business.
Please to send my son Ludwell a copy of the amendments proposed by me to the new Constitution sent herewith.

There ensued a great struggle, between the so-called "Federalists" and "Anti-Federalists":

There was a great push by the Federalists to rush through ratification of the Constitution.  In Pennsylvania, only 20 hours passed between Congress’ transmission and Pennsylvania’s scheduling of the state convention early in November.  [When 16 Anti-Federalists of the Pennsylvania legislature failed to return from the noon recess (a delaying tactic), the legislature's sergeant at arms was ordered to seek out absent members, and two of them were forcefully hauled back to the legislature to provide a quorum.]  The rapid pace favored the Federalists, who were stronger in the cities with their merchants and lawyers, and it hurt the Anti-Federalists, who were stronger in rural areas, among the farmers.  At the resulting convention, petitions arrived from the back countries, beseeching the delegates to adjourn until spring.  They were ignored.

Rhode Island rejected the constitution the first time it was voted upon.  And in New Hampshire, the first convention was adjourned when the Federalists sensed that ratification would fail.  The votes in Massachusetts (187 - 168), Virginia (89 - 79), and New York (30 - 27) were close.

Patrick Henry spoke eloquently and at great length against the Constitution in the Virginia Ratifying Convention:


"Guard with jealous attention the public liberty.

Suspect everyone who approaches that jewel.

Unfortunately, nothing will preserve it but downright force.

Whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined…

The Honorable Gentleman who presides told us, that to prevent abuses in our government, we will assemble in Convention, recall our delegated powers, and punish our servants for abusing the trust reposed to them.

Oh, Sir, we should have fine times indeed, if to punish tyrants, it were only necessary to assemble the people!

Your arms wherewith you could defend yourselves are gone…

Did you ever read of any revolution in any nation, brought about by the punishment of those in power, inflicted by those who had no power at all?

A standing army we shall have also, to execute the execrable commands of tyranny: And how are you to punish them?

Will you order them to be punished?

Who shall obey these orders?"

~ Patrick Henry, speaking against the Constitution at Virginia's Ratifying Convention, June 1788


"If we admit this consolidated government, it will be because we like a great splendid one.

Some way or other we must be a great and mighty empire; we must have an army, a navy, and a number of things:

When the American spirit was in its youth, the language of America was different: Liberty, Sir, was then the primary object…

But now, Sir, the American spirit, assisted by the ropes and chains of consolidation, is about to convert this country to a powerful and mighty empire."

~ Patrick Henry, speaking against the Constitution, June 1788

I recommend Ryan McMaken's excellent article "Patrick Henry: Enemy of the State",
which describes and summarizes Patrick Henry's heroic opposition to the Constitution in defense of liberty.

Alas, the Constitution was ratified...

When thirteen states are molded into one
Your rights are vanish’d and your honors gone;
The form of Freedom shall alone remain,
As Rome had Senators when she hugg’d the chain.

~ South Carolina State Gazette: January 28, 1788

When the backcountry learned of the ratification,
“the people had a Coffin painted black, which borne in funeral procession, was solemnly buried,
as an emblem of the dissolution and internment of publick Liberty.”

The states along with their ratifications sent in requests for amendments, including several restricting or prohibiting a "standing army in time of peace."

I served in the Senate from 1789 to 1792, and I helped create the Bill of Rights -- the first ten amendments to the constitution.  This "Bill of Rights" was an attempt to limit the harm of the constitution, but in hindsight, it was a poor strategy -- for by enumerating certain rights, it made any left unmentioned extremely vulnerable, even though Amendment IX states: "The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people."  Here are a few examples:

[see Carl Watner's excellent article: "The Illusion Is Liberty - The Reality Is Leviathan": A Voluntaryist Perspective on the Bill of Rights]

Most history books say that i died on June 19, 1794; however most history books are wrong.  

Upon cessation of my vital functions, i was preserved in a large cask of Madeira wine by the Madeira Society.  And, thanks to the Society, i have been successfully reanimated, and am enjoying once again a full and vigorous life, most particularly enjoying the spectacular company of my dear beloved wife Candi, who was also preserved and reanimated by the society.

On July 2, 2001, Candi and i publicly proposed the Privatization Amendment to the U.S. Constitution:

Congress Shall Make No Law.

This evolved into the Decentralization Amendment:

Congress Shall Make No Law.
All federal activities shall be private.
The United States are and of right ought to be free and independent states.

And this amendment was renamed to be the Organic Rebirth of American Communities Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America.

Why July 2nd?

Because July 2nd is the anniversary of American independence.

Indeed, at that time, my friend John Adams wrote, in a letter to his wife:

"The second day of July, 1776, will be the most memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward forevermore."

 

Now, I have been persuaded that our best hope for the future is to rewrite the constitution to be the THREE SIMPLE RULES:

1. No Weapons
2. No Ganging Up
3. Stay in the Park

 

It is my hope that July 2nd will serve as a holiday to imagine, discuss, enact, and celebrate the political decentralization of our beloved United States of America.

Candi and i invite you to join us in supporting the THREE SIMPLE RULES.

By the way, here is a video of my first day after Candi and i were reanimated, when we first proposed that "Congress Shall Make No Law.":

       2 July 2001: CSMNL: The First Day: HighQuality (8 Mb);  LowQuality (555Kb)

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